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How Ibrahim Traoré Prepared for Power Long Before His Coup

Long before he seized power in 2022, Ibrahim Traoré was quietly preparing himself, studying the land, the system, and the fractures that would one day make change possible.
Photos of Traoré, seen during a Republic Day ceremony in Ouagadougou in December.

Photos of Traoré, seen during a Republic Day ceremony in Ouagadougou in December.

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The dry red earth stretched wide beneath the sky at the University of Ouagadougou, and the sun bore down without mercy. In a corner of the campus, young men and women gathered around rock samples spread across weathered tables, their notebooks heavy with the language of mineralogy and tectonics. Among them stood a young man from Bondokuy, tall and steady, the dust settling into the creases of his khaki trousers. Ibrahim Traoré was not there for prestige or the promise of fortune. His eyes followed the veins running through the stone, reading in them a story far older than the modern borders drawn across his country.

He had been born into a land where the earth itself had long been both a blessing and a curse. Burkina Faso, rich in gold and other minerals, had become a battlefield where the interests of foreign companies and the ambitions of local leaders clashed without end. Across the countryside, mines operated under the flags of corporations based in places far from the Sahel. Villages near the sites carried the scars of this trade: poisoned water, displaced families, promises unkept. It was in this landscape, where wealth flowed out and left behind poverty, that the choice to study geology became not merely academic, but deeply political.

Traoré enrolled at the University of Ouagadougou in the early 2010s, a time when Burkina Faso was still adjusting to the aftermath of the 2014 uprising that had ended Blaise Compaoré’s long rule. The air was thick with talk of sovereignty, reform, and reclamation. Among his classmates, discussions often drifted from coursework to the larger question of how a country so rich in soil and minerals could remain so poor. In geology lectures, they learned how to classify rocks and map deposits, but outside the classroom, the lessons pointed toward something more urgent.

The University of Ouagadougou, founded in 1974 and later renamed after the revolutionary leader Joseph Ki-Zerbo, was a place where political consciousness mingled freely with scholarship. Traoré, described by those who knew him as serious and deliberate, pursued his studies with a quiet sense of purpose. Geology was not the glamour path at the university. It required patience, long field excursions under punishing heat, and a tolerance for the slow, methodical pace of scientific inquiry. It was the discipline for those willing to endure discomfort in exchange for knowledge that could one day be used to serve something larger than themselves.

During his time as a student, Traoré became involved with the Association of Muslim Students of Burkina Faso, where discussions about national identity, faith, and service to the community were commonplace. The organization was not explicitly political, but it fostered a sense of responsibility that aligned naturally with the grievances many students felt toward the existing order. Traoré’s worldview was shaped in part by these conversations, in part by the evidence laid bare in every geological survey that showed the riches of the land and the foreign ownership stamped across them.

When he completed his studies, Traoré did not drift into the corporate sector or leave for opportunities abroad, as many of his peers did. Instead, he joined the army. The decision, though not typical for a geology graduate, fit within a broader pattern seen in the Sahel region, where young men increasingly saw military service as a way to defend not just borders but national dignity. He trained at the George Namoano Military Academy in Pô, a school steeped in the memory of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary figure who had tried, and ultimately failed, to wrest full sovereignty from the forces arrayed against him.

In the army, Traoré’s technical background distinguished him quietly. Knowledge of terrain, resources, and the geological realities of the land are not minor assets in a region where insurgent groups exploit the remoteness of the terrain and the underground wealth to fund their movements. His understanding of the land was more than academic; it became part of a practical skill set essential to modern conflict in Burkina Faso’s northern and eastern regions.

The nation he had set out to serve was coming apart under pressure from all sides. Jihadist groups expanded their reach across the Sahel, taking advantage of weak state presence and grievances left to fester. Mining companies fortified their sites while the surrounding communities remained vulnerable. In the capital, governments changed but the basic structures of dependency persisted. By 2022, public anger over insecurity and government paralysis reached a boiling point once again.

Traoré, who had risen through the ranks quietly, found himself among a group of officers increasingly dissatisfied with the status quo. The military coup of September 2022, which ousted Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba, brought Traoré unexpectedly to the forefront. At just 34 years old, he became the world’s youngest sitting head of state. His rise was not the result of long political maneuvering but of a broader discontent within the armed forces and a desperate yearning among the population for leaders who might finally place the nation’s interests before external demands.

In the months that followed, Traoré spoke often of Burkina Faso’s need to reclaim control over its own affairs, particularly in regard to natural resources. His speeches, though brief and often delivered in plain terms, echoed the convictions that had first led him to study the rocks beneath his feet. Contracts signed under previous regimes were reviewed. Foreign mining operations faced greater scrutiny. A movement toward greater national self-reliance, however tentative and contested, began to take shape.

Across Ouagadougou, murals appeared depicting Traoré alongside Sankara, a visual shorthand for the continuity many hoped to see between past ideals and present struggles. In rural villages near the gold mines, opinions were more cautious. The memory of leaders who spoke of sovereignty but failed to deliver tangible improvements remained fresh. Yet for many, Traoré’s understanding of the land and its buried wealth carried a weight that empty promises could not.

The fight for Burkina Faso’s future, much like the search for valuable minerals, would not yield quick or easy results. It would require patience, endurance, and an unwavering focus on the ground beneath their feet. The same qualities that geology demanded were now required of governance.

Under the open sky of a country still fighting for its place in the world, Ibrahim Traoré moved forward, shaped by the land he had once studied not as a silent bystander but as a witness to its scars, its treasures, and its unfulfilled promise.

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